Friday, November 30, 2007

Somalia: an epic theater of cruelty that the whole world ignores

Somalia: an epic theater of cruelty that the whole world ignores


By Sally Healy
THE GUARDIAN, LONDON
Friday, Nov 30, 2007, Page 9
As tens of thousands more frightened and exhausted people fled the terrors of Mogadishu last week, a Somali community leader condemned the international community "for watching the cruelty in Somalia like a film and not bothering to help."


He was mistaken. The international community has barely been watching Somalia at all.


Life in Mogadishu has become even more intolerable since Ethiopia intervened last Christmas to install the transitional government of Somalian President Abdullahi Yusuf. Ethiopia had been alarmed by the aggressive rhetoric of the Islamic Courts government that had taken over the Somali capital. It had seen off the warlords and brought unprecedented order to Mogadishu. But threats of jihad against its powerful neighbor provoked a muscular response. The US stood by its regional ally, declaring that Somalia must not become a terrorist haven, and mounting a missile attack on the Islamist forces for good measure.


The Ethiopians calculated a lesser risk in having Yusuf in charge. Having installed him, they promised to withdraw quickly, agreeing to remain only while an African peacekeeping force was mounted.


Lord Triesman, the UK's minister for Africa, praised Ethiopia for creating conditions for peace and stability. British ministers were pleased to describe the new state of affairs as a window of opportunity for Somalia.


The optimism rested on highly dubious assumptions. It presupposed that the transitional government possessed legitimacy, and had the capacity to govern. It also assumed too easily that an African peacekeeping force would materialize and Ethiopian forces would leave. None of this has come to pass.


The core problem was that Somalis everywhere were appalled to see Ethiopian troops on the streets of their capital. What kind of government, they asked, needed the protection of a foreign force against its own citizens? Opposition to the Ethiopian military presence soon manifested itself and an insurgency was born.


Ethiopian forces launched massive military attacks on various quarters of the city in March and April, designed to root out extremists. Their complete disregard, and that of the insurgents, for the population's safety has been condemned by human rights organizations. But the international community took all too little notice of events in a city that was just too dangerous to visit or report on. Humanitarian organizations quietly started to provide for the 300,000 people who fled Mogadishu and established makeshift settlements under the trees. They are still there.


There were other consequences of Ethiopia's rampage through the city. It hardened the insurgents' resolve, and made new enemies among the clans targeted; it deepened opposition to the transitional government, in whose name the operations were conducted; it prompted the flight of the business people so vital for any normalization; and it alarmed African nations who might have considered joining the small Ugandan contingent to provide security and enable the Ethiopian forces to leave.


The insurgency has deepened and spread. The tactics are those of Iraq, but with more roadside bombs than suicide bombs, and a growing tally of assassinations -- most directed against office holders of the transitional government, but journalists, humanitarian workers and civil society leaders are at risk.


A government-sponsored reconciliation conference came and went, without result. A prime minister has resigned. The transitional government seems not only powerless but irrelevant, and wholly dependent on Ethiopia.


A renewed crackdown in Mogadishu has caused hundreds more deaths and pushed another 200,000 people into destitution on the roadsides.


Somalia is now the worst humanitarian situation in the world. The number of internally displaced has reached a million. Insecurity and extortion are putting untold strain on the efforts to provide humanitarian assistance.


We cannot say we were not warned. Six months ago the UN's head of humanitarian affairs highlighted the deplorable conditions of the displaced. He observed that more people had been displaced from Mogadishu in the previous two months than anywhere else in the world, and that a political solution was the only way to resolve the crisis.


"Otherwise I fear the worst," he said.


The worst has now come. What are we waiting for?



Sally Healy is an associate fellow of the Africa Program at Chatham House, the London-based foreign affairs think tank

Wednesday, November 28, 2007

Soldiers continue human rights abuses in Ethiopia's beleaguered southeast, say residents

Soldiers continue human rights abuses in Ethiopia's beleaguered southeast, say residents.


Associated Press

KEBRIDEHAR, Ethiopia: Ethiopian soldiers have abused civilians, committing arson and rape, in a southeastern area where they are fighting rebels, but there have been some improvements in aid delivery, residents said.

Ethiopia's prime minister, however, denies there is a humanitarian crisis in the Ogaden and his government has denied its soldiers have committed abuses. A top United Nations relief official who visited the region Tuesday said much more remains to be done.

A thin, pensive 30-year-old man, who asked not to be identified out of fear, told The Associated Press about two incidents on Friday in which the army burned two villages, Lebiga and Korelitsa, to the ground, killing one man.

The army, the man said, was killing his neighbors "like goats."

Officials in the area said they had heard similar reports. They also asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the issue.

The man also described rapes — some of them gang rapes — and public hangings in the region and said that villagers had been told not to speak to international observers. Officials in the area also said villagers had been told not to speak to outsiders, and that also was mentioned in a September report by a U.N. fact-finding mission.

Another man, 26, who also asked not to be identified for fear of reprisals, accused the government of withholding food in order to punish fighters and supporters of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist movement that in April attacked a Chinese-run oil exploration field in the region, killing 74 people. In May, the Ethiopian military began counterinsurgency operations, which has stymied trade and some food aid.

On Tuesday, the region appeared calm. Government soldiers dotted the flat, arid landscape and towns of Jijiga and Kebridehar, though there was no evidence of any significant military operations. Women — some wearing scarves of hot pink — fluttered through the streets. Men in Jijiga walked along the main promenade.

But when questioned, residents were reticent. One man in Kebridehar said he believed the streets were full of military intelligence officers.

In the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi dismissed a question in parliament about a pending crisis in the Ogaden.

"Whatever some international media and some organizations said about the Ogaden, it's absolutely a lie that there's a humanitarian crisis in the Ogaden," Meles told parliament on Tuesday. "Some people from the U.N. actually wanted to see for themselves what was going on in the Ogaden and I told them to go see from themselves what was actually there."

John Holmes, the U.N.'s humanitarian chief, on Wednesday described the humanitarian situation in the Ogaden as "potentially serious."

"I didn't get the impression that we are in a catastrophic situation now," Holmes told journalists, adding, however, "there's an awful lot of challenges still to address."

Those challenges included opening up transport and trade, expanding food distribution and addressing human rights concerns, he said.

Holmes said he discussed these issues Wednesday with top Ethiopian officials, including Meles.

About human rights, he said Meles, "responded seriously. He takes the issue seriously."

Holmes said he heard many secondhand reports of human rights abuses and said that "they come from numerous and sufficiently varied sources to be taken seriously." He did not give details.

In recent months, Ethiopia has expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Dutch branch of Medecins Sans Frontieres from Ogaden. But in recent weeks the government has allowed 19 non-governmental organizations to return to work in the Ogaden.

The U.N. fact-finding mission said in September that the situation in the Ogaden had deteriorated rapidly and called for an independent investigation into the humanitarian issues there.

The mission also said that recent fighting in the region had led to a worsening humanitarian situation and a doubling of the price of food. It also called for a substantial increase in emergency food aid to the impoverished region where rebels have been fighting for increased autonomy for more than a decade.

Simon Mechale, director of the Ethiopian government's Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Agency, said on Tuesday that his talks with people in the region provided a more optimistic picture.

"From what I have seen so far, I did not see any amazing or disturbing thing," he said.

The Ogaden National Liberation Front is fighting to overthrow the government for what it says are human rights abuses and to establish greater autonomy in the region being heavily explored for oil and gas. The government accuses the rebels of being terrorists funded by its archenemy Eritrea.

Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Appeal of Oromia Support Group in Australia regarding the safety

Appeal of Oromia Support Group in Australia regarding the safety of Oromo Refugees in Sudan.

November 22, 2007

H. E. Ambassador
Embassy of the Republic of Sudan
3 Cleveland Row, St James
London SW1A 1DD
Telephone : 44(0) 20 7839 8080
Facsimile : 44 (0) 20 7839 7560

Dear Ambassador:

Foremost, we wish to express our appreciation to the people of the Republic of Sudan for their generosity and kindness towards thousands of Oromo refugees who have escaped severe government persecutions in Ethiopia and now living in Sudan. From under successive Ethiopian regimes –Haile Sellassie, Dergue and now TPLF - thousands of our compatriots have run away from arbitrary detentions, degrading tortures, violent killings in Ethiopia to seek refuge in relative peace of Sudan.

Oromia Support Group in Australia and, in fact, Oromos everywhere are alarmed by the report we received on the handing over of 15 Ethiopian refugees, the majority if not all of them were Oromo by the Sudanese authorities against their will to the Ethiopian regime. Most of these refugees were refugees who were legal resident in Sudan for a number of years and some carried UNCHR IDs. In July this year several Oromo refugees living in Khartoum and El Damazin were arrest and detained in Kobor prison in Khartoum. When Kobor prison became over crowded they were transferred to unknown destination to friends, most probably to the prison around Shendi. Around September 25, 2007, they were taken from their prison cells and transported to the border town of Metama and handed over in shackles to Ethiopian security and military forces on September 26, 2007. These facts have been documents by UNCHR in document in which they condemned the Sudanese authorities’ action.

The Sudanese authorities deported the Oromo refugees without going through the due process of law. The refugees were never taken to a court of law. Thus, the authorities have failed to respect their own constitution on this matter. The dreadful action of deportation taken by the Sudanese government constitutes violation of basic human rights and the fundamental principles of the 1951 UN’s Convention on refugees. Under the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, refoulement - or forcibly returning individuals to their country of origin where they could face persecution - is prohibited. Also, the Sudanese authorities broke Sudan’s longstanding tradition of providing protection to those who flee persecution and victimization.

Your Excellency,

The Oromia Support Group in Australia and Oromo living other parts of the Australia are disheartened by the Sudanese government action. By this action the lives of outstanding young men were put in a considerable danger. These individuals will face certain torture and death in the hands of the Ethiopian regime. We appeal to the Sudanese government and all human rights organizations to demand the Ethiopian government to safe the lives of these Oromo brothers and to set them free. We also appeal to the Sudanese authorities to assure Oromo refugees in Sudan, who are obviously frightened, that such action will not be repeated in the future.

Respectfully,
M. Qufi
Public Relation Officer
Oromia Support Group in Australia

Cc:
• UNHCR- Geneva and local Offices
• Amnesty International – London
• Human Rights Watch – New York
• Sudan Commission for Refugees
• Refugee Council of Australia
• UNHCR – Khartoum, Sudan Branch
• Oromo Community in Sudan
• Unrepresented Nations and People Organizations
• Sudan Commission for Refugees (SCOR)
Office of the Commissioner for Refugees,
PO Box 1929, Khartoum 780201, Sudan

Monday, November 5, 2007

Ethiopia and Eritrea may go to war "in weeks"

Mon Nov 5, 2007 6:29am GMT

By Andrew Cawthorne
NAIROBI (Reuters) - Horn of Africa enemies Ethiopia and Eritrea may
return to war over their disputed border in a matter of weeks if there
is no major international push to halt them, an influential think-tank
warned on Monday.
A 1998-2000 war on the boundary killed 70,000 people and brought untold
hardship to two of the world's poorest nations.
Now analysts are warning of a repeat as troops build up ahead of an
end-November deadline by an independent boundary commission for Ethiopia
and Eritrea to mark out their border.
"The risk that Ethiopia and Eritrea will resume their war in the next
several weeks is very real," wrote the International Crisis Group (ICG)
in a report on the growing crisis.
"A military build-up along the common border over the past few months
has reached alarming proportions. There will be no easy military
solution if hostilities restart -- more likely is a protracted conflict
on Eritrean soil, progressive destabilisation of Ethiopia and a dramatic
humanitarian crisis."
The ICG urged the United States and the United Nations to flex their
muscles "to give both sides the clearest possible message that no
destabilising unilateral action will be tolerated."
Washington sees Ethiopia as its best ally in the region, but ties with
Eritrea have deteriorated so much it may put Asmara on its list of
terrorism sponsors for backing Somali Islamists.
The United Nations has a peacekeeping force of 1,700 people charged with
monitoring a security buffer zone on Eritrea's side of the 1,000-km
(620-mile) frontier. "International indifference of mistaken confidence
could cost the people of the Horn of Africa dearly," the ICG added.
The think-tank report came after Eritrea accused Ethiopia for the third
time in a week of planning an invasion, an allegation Addis Ababa has
termed an "absurd" fabrication.
"EXPLOSIVE SITUATION"
The ICG cited U.S. estimates that Eritrea had 4,000 soldiers, supported
by artillery and armour, in the "supposedly demilitarised TSZ" as well
as 120,000 troops nearby.
Despite an offensive against insurgents in its east, and a foreign
mission in Somalia where it is helping the government fight Islamist
rebels, Ethiopia also maintains 100,000 troops on its border with
Eritrea, the ICG added, quoting U.S. estimates.
"The situation could hardly be more explosive," it said.
The neighbours have been in dispute since the independent boundary body
awarded Eritrea the Badme town in a 2002 ruling.
Although it now says it accepts the ruling, Ethiopia is still insisting
on dialogue over implementation.
"Eritrea has right on its side on this point but has played its cards
very badly," the ICG said, referring to Eritrea's disputes with the
United Nations and expulsion of foreign staff.
"Ethiopia has played its hand skilfully. It has used its position as the
major power in the region to win U.S. toleration of its intransigence,"
it added.
"It would not be surprising if Addis Ababa believes an effort in the
near future to stage a coup in Asmara and use force against an Eritrean
government that has few friends would also be tolerated in Washington."
Both run by former rebel leaders, Ethiopia's 81 million population
dwarfs Eritrea's 5 million.
The ICG forecasts that if war breaks out, Ethiopia would seek to take
Asmara and Assab port to topple Eritrea's government.
Frustrated by lack of progress, the boundary commission says the nations
have until the end of this month to mark the border physically, or it
will fix the border on maps and let it stand.
Diplomats worry that date could prove a trigger.
The ICG took a swipe at both nation's authoritarian governments, calling
Eritrea "one of the most repressive regimes in Africa" and saying
Ethiopia has "no intention to genuinely democratise."