Somali Fighting Intensifies; Hundreds Are Arrested, Police Say

Somali Fighting Intensifies; Hundreds Are Arrested, Police Say

By Ahmed Barre Ibrahem
Sept. 29 (Bloomberg) -- Fighting between government forces and Islamic insurgents intensified overnight in the Somali capital Mogadishu with attacks on police stations and Ethiopian army bases, a police spokesman said.
At least 100 insurgents were slain and 45 Somali soldiers killed or injured after insurgents attacked three police stations and two Ethiopian army bases, deputy police spokesman Abdullahi Nur Omar said in an interview today in the city. About 700 people suspected of assisting the insurgents have been arrested, he said.
Violence in the capital of the Horn of Africa nation has escalated since Ethiopian troops helped the United Nations- backed Transitional Federal Government, or TFG, oust the Islamic Courts militia from southern and central Somalia in January. Somalia has been without a central government since Mohammed Siad Barre's administration collapsed in 1991.
By yesterday, at least 2,000 Somali families had fled their homes in the northern parts of Mogadishu following the skirmishes, Nur Omar said yesterday. More families are leaving the capital today.
About 11,000 people have fled the fighting in Mogadishu this month alone, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, or UNHCR, said today. Since February, 40,000 people have moved to Afgooye, about 30 kilometers (18 miles) west of the capital.
An opposition alliance of more than 400 Somali clan leaders, Islamists, and other political figures met in Eritrea this month and called for the overthrow of the interim government. The alliance has vowed to drive Ethiopian troops and 1,600 Ugandan peacekeepers, who were sent by the African Union, from Mogadishu.
To contact the reporter on this story: Ahmed Barre Ibrahem in Mogadishu via Johannesburg at asguazzin@bloomberg.net

Eessa irraa garam?

Qabsoo ummata Oromoo Adda Bilisummaa Oromoon gaggeeffamu jireenya Saba Oromoo keessatti injiffannoo guddaa galmeessee jira. Qaanqeen warraaqsaa gootota Oromoon bar kudhan sadi dura qabsiifamtee golee Oromiyaa hedduu keessa faca'uun ara'a ummatni keenya akka mirga isaaf itti himiinsa malee falmatu taasiftee jirti. Ummatni keenya Bara 1992 booda fincilla didddaa gabrummaa guututti dhaabaan osoo hin dhuunfatamin bakka addaa addaatti gaggeessa turee fi jiru; qabsoon kabajaa mulqamnee fi bilisummaa sarbamne deebifachuuf godhaa jirru kan murnoota maqaa Oromoon ijaaraman qofa irratti dhiifamu osoo hin taane dhimma isaa akka tahe tolchee hubachuu agarsiisa. Haa tahu malee sochiin ummataa hundi galii akeekatte gahuuf bifa ijaarsatiin qindeeffamuu fi gaggeeffamuu barbaachifti. Milkii sochii ummata tokkoof dammaqiinsi ummata sanaa akkuma murteessaa tahe, jaarmaya isa hoogganu qara, baranee fi kan haala ummataa isaa, naannoo fi addunyaa hubatee tooftaa fi tarsiimoo qabsoo qiyaasu isa feesisa. Addi bilisummaa Oromoo akka jaarmayaa fi murna isaa hoogganuttis warreegama guddaa kan baasee fi qabsoo ummata Oromoo bakka jalqabe irraa tarkaanfii tokko fuula dura kan fudhachiiise tahus yeroo ar,aa kana hoogganni jiru haala qabsoo keenyaa, haala naannoo fi addunyaa waliin tarkaanfachiisuu, irratt tarkaanfachuun hafnaan daaddee dadhabee waan gangalataa ykn konkolaataa jiru fakkaata. Sababni isaas;

1. Bara 1998 irraa kaasee baratootni Oromoo bifaa hoo'aa taheen qabsoo irraa qooda fudhachuun gaaffii sabaa fi miidhaa isa irraa gahu ifa baasuu fi ummatni keenya qabsoo isaa akka finiinsu kakasuuf warraagama guddaa baasuu fi qaamaanis qabsoo hidhaannootti dabalamanii diina irratti duuluuf bakka hundaan bobba'uun ni yaadanna. Hedduun isaanii dhaabatti dabalamuuf biyya keessatti naannoo WBOn jirutti bobbaa'uu fi kan carraa kana hin argatin yookan daandiin hin qajeeliniif biyya ollaatti bahuu dhaan dhaaba qunnamanis dhadhabii hoogganni kun agarsiiseen humni, dandeettiin fi lubbuun isaan qabsoon saba Oromoo ittiin gabbisuuf warreegamaaf qopheessan, qabsoof ooluu dadhabdee, ijoolleen Oromoo qabsoo dhaaf biyyaa maatii, hojii fi barnoota dhiisanii bahan biyyoota ollaa keessatti beelaa fi dhukkubaan dararamaa turan, jiran. Kanneen danda'ameefii dirree leenjisaa dhaqan dhaabni ykn hoogganni ABO qabsoo saba keenyaa gara humnaatti jijjiiruuf ilaalcha guddaa laachuu hanqachuu irraa bu'aa buusuu hanqatan, hedduun isaanii ammoo hojii ofirraa baasuu ykn hojii bilchinaa fi qaraannoo gahaa malee hogganni kun raawwatuun gammoojii biyyoota ollaa keessatti humna diinaatiin akaayaman.

2. Bifa fakkaataan kanneen barootaaf diina waliin dalagaa turan waggoota jahan dabran keessa dhaaba keenyaatti harka laachuu fi ummata isaanii badii irratti dalaganiif hojjachuuf qaphii tahanii dhihaatanis, muuxannoo diinaa keessatti isaan qabanitti gargaaramuun hojii raawwatamuu male raawwatuun hin danda'amne.

3. Beekomsa ykn odeessa an qabu irraa addi bilisummaa Oromoo takkayyuu ogeessota waraanaa sadarkaa ammaa qabuu argatee hin beeku, seenaa waggaa 30 olii keessatti. Humni waraanaa jeneraalotaan durfamu mooraa diina oneessee dhaaba kanatti gale maal irra akka jiru namni beekaa? Waan irra jiran hunda beekuu hin qabnu, garuu dhimma Oromoo wanni ilaalu gaariin raawwatame xinnatu kanneen halkaniif fi guyyaa gurra baasanii sochii qabsoo hordofan jalaa dhokata jedhee hin yaadu. Sodaan ture akkuma kanneen asiin dura dhaaba kannatti dabalamanii ukkaamsamuu dha. Akka natti mul'atutti sodaan kun dhugaa tahuu irraa fagaata hin jedhu. Seenaa dhaaba kanaa keessatti hoogganni turee fi amma jirus ofii dandeetti qabuun hooggana hojii waraanaas tahe siyaasaa akkasumas diplomasii raawwatan leenjise hin qabu. Yoo tolchinee ilaalle ganna 40 booda sammuu fi nammootni qabsoo kana hoogganan hin jijjiiramne, bakkuma 1974 sana jirra. Akkuma namni dhalate guddatee, jaaree dabru yoo kan biraa bakka hin buune sanyiin isaa dhabamu, murni kamuu kan of jijiiruu hin dandeenye ni dhabame. Beekkomsaa fi dandeettiin akka qabeenya lakkaawamuu kaayanii guyyaa du'an wal hin dhaalchisan, osoo jiran wal barsiisanii nama biraa bakka buusan. Gabaabamatti akka adeemsa irraa agarrutti haalli amma jiru dhaaba kana mataa irraa gadi haala ajjeesaa deemuu dha.

4. Qabxiin biroo, kan bira dabruu hin dandeenye, dhalootni itti aanu akka dhibdee kana keessaa bahee jaarmaya kana muuxachiisee as hin baane rakkoon guddaan furamuuf ulfaatu, beekkan, ykn ir'ina hunbannootatiin uumamaa. Ir'ina dandeettii dhaabni kun qabu amanuu diddaa rakkoo amma jirtu faallaatti akka hubatamu godhamaa jira. akka jaarmayaatti ir'ina jiru furuu ykn sabani Oromoo akka furatu haala aanjessuu irra, dhiibdee jiru namootatti haqatuu, caasaa gandummaa gubbaa irraa hanga gadiitii diririisuun humnaa fi yeroo waan bu'aa hin qabne irratti hooggannii ofii isaatiif dabarsuu irra dabree akka miseensotni dhaabaas yeroo isaan qisaanan gochaa jiru. Kun ammoo akka fuula duras furmaata hin arganne ilmaan Oromoo giddutti shakkii ummuu irra dabree jibbaa hin barbaachifne akka uumu godha. Kaleessa akka Galaasaa Dilboo wal dorgomii aangoo fi dadhabii isaa haguuguuf qabsaawota dhaalootaan naannoo bahaa gama kaaniin ammoo giddu galeessa bahaa fi kibbaa bahaatti dhalatan walitti naqee ofii manguddoo araaraa tahee gidduu taa'aa turee fi yoo inni bakka sana hin jiraanne qabsoon Oromoo akka killee lafa dooftee kan caccapxu fakkeessaa turee, fi dadhaabbii dhugaa irratti akka hin haasayamne godhaa turetti, ar,as sabboontatni Oromoo haala jiru bifaa dhugaatiin akka hubatuu hanqatan godhamaa jira.

5. Gidduu kana "congressinal hearing" dhimma Itoophiyaa irratti godhamuuf deemu keessa Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo bahee, kanneen ganna sadi maqaan isaanii hin dhagahamne kan akka ONLF, CUD, fi nammotni dhuumfaan afeeraman dhaabni keenya nama miliyoona 40 bakka bahu, madaala kaasuu hanqatee keessa hambifame waan jedhu yoo dhageenyu maaltuu nutti dhagahama? Diplomacy wanni jedhu nuuf hin barbaachifne moo lakki hojjatuu dadhabne, yookn ammoo ONLF irra jibbamne?

Akkuma armaa olitti tuqe haalli qabsoon keenya keessa jirtu heeduu gaaga'aa dha. Kana keessaa bahuuf tokkummaa feesisa. Dhaabni nuti jaalanu, wareegama bifa hedduu itti baafnee fi lammiin keenya itti cilee tahe yoo dhibdee ykn summii shakkii gubbaa irraa gadi facaatu kana faccisuu hin dandeenya maqaa qofatti hafuuf deema.

Lammiin Oromoo baroota dheeraaf qabsoo isaa dhimma murna tokkoo godhee irratti ilaaluu, badduu fi toltu isaanuma dhageeffatuu aadaa godhatee jira. Akka gubbaa irratti tuqeetti biyya keessatti jijjiiramni hedduun jiraatus, hedduun keenya hanga ar'aatti "yoo dhaabni keenya akkas jedhe jechuu malee" dhimmi qabsoo Oromoo akkuma murna dhaaba kana gaggeessuu kan nu ilaalu tahuu hubachaa hin jirru. Yoo dhaabni ijaa ykn qarayyoo saba keenyaa tahe osoo ijaan ilaalu dadhabbii hooggana kanaa ykn itti gaafatamu Oromummaa akka lammiitti fuchachuu dhabuu keenyaa rasasuma keenyaan madaa'ee haala du'aa fi jireenyaa keessatti argamu harka marannee ilaaluun yakka guddaadha.


Hubachiisa

Kanneen qabsoo saba isaaniif waggaa soddomaa ol jireenya isaanii wareegan hafnaan ilma Oromoo guyyaa tokkoof mirga saba isaatiif jireenya guyyaa tokkoo wareegeefuu kabajaa guddaan qaba. Kanneen ar'a dhaaba kana hoogganan wareegama daangaa hin qabne akka baasan nan beeka. Yoo gama dhimma sana keenyaatti deebinee garuu jireenyaa fi wareegama namoota irra kan sabaa fi biyyaa waan caaluuf, wareegamni isaan baasan ija keenya haguugee dhugaa awwaaluu waan hin qabneef kana yaada kiyya akka ibsashe, kanneen akka tasaa barruu kana dubbiftan akka naaf hubatan gaafadha

HGW

Domestic and Regional Turmoil Color Ethiopia's Millennium Celebration

Lauren Gelfand Bio 20 Sep 2007 LONDON -- Pomp, pagentry and the hip-hop group Black Eyed Peas accompanied Ethiopia's celebration of its entry into the third millennium, seven years after the rest of the world but in line with the Coptic calendar of the Horn of Africa nation.But with the exchange of fiery rhetoric threatening to upset a fragile peace with neighbor Eritrea, new broadsides in the internal conflict raging in the Ogaden region on the country's border with Somalia, and dissatisfaction with progress toward improved social welfare, Ethiopia has entered the 21st century much the way it wrapped up the 20th: divided and poor.In honor of the Sept. 11 and 12 celebrations, the capital, Addis Ababa, was lit up with fireworks that cast long shadows on the expensive civic projects funded by the increasingly unpopular government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.The elite -- few and far between in the country of 70 million people that is ranked 170 of 179 on the U.N. Human Development Index -- attended lavish celebrations at five-star hotels, including the Sheraton, considered one of Africa's most luxurious.Many among them are members of the Ethiopian diaspora, some of the more than 35,000 people who flew home from around the world, from Washington, D.C. to London.For those diasporans who remained in their adopted cities, there were parties galore: London's Trafalgar square hosted a concert attracting some 10,000 people, and Ethiopian restaurants around the United States advertised banquets, music and dance parties."People think of starving children and famine and poverty when they think of Ethiopia, when really we are a country where civilization took root and created sophisticated arts and music and education," said one Addis native in London, an artist who refused to give her name, hunched over a plate of spicy chicken in sauce at a south London Ethiopian restaurant."This millennium party is a chance for us to change the way our country is perceived. Politics should not enter into the equation, it should be about partying and celebrating!"'There is Nothing'For the average Ethiopian, however, unable to shell out the equivalent of two months' salary for the extravagant parties, there seemed to be little on offer to preserve a festive mood.Many of the planned festivities, including the annual racing of the Great Ethiopian Run, a "Taste of Ethiopia" celebration of national cuisine and a free concert hosted by the Rastafarian community, were all cancelled by the government amid "security concerns."Many residents of the capital spent the evening in church, following marathon prayers with meals of roasted goat and the spongy sourdough flatbread known as injera.But even their festive meals were bare of the berberi spices essential to the traditional "wat" sauce that flavors many dishes. Price hikes put hot peppers out of reach for most of the population, leading many to decry the 21st century as the "pepperless millennium."So glum were residents of the capital that a wry joke was making the rounds, both of Addis Ababa and the international media: What's Amharic for Millennium? The answer: minnum yellum, which literally translates to "there is nothing."Ogaden Humanitarian CrisisFurther east, in the Ogaden region on the border with Somalia, the atmosphere was anything but festive.An untold number of refugees have flooded into makeshift camps, escaping rape, looting and murderous rampages perpetrated by Ethiopian troops and civilians on the mostly-Muslim population living in the triangle that juts into Somalia.The Coptic Christian regime has launched a major crackdown on the mostly ethnic Somali and Muslim population of Ogaden, fueled, according to the Meles government, by its opposition to the independence-seeking rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).For nearly two decades, the ONLF has fought both with force and through diplomatic efforts to end what it considers the region's systematic marginalization by Addis Ababa.In ramping up efforts to crack down on the ONLF, however, humanitarian organizations including Médecins Sans Frontières have warned that civilians are facing collective punishment and being deprived of humanitarian aid -- a public pronouncement that has resulted in the organization's ouster from the region.Three of the worst-affected areas have been decreed off limits to both MSF and the International Committee of the Red Cross, leaving an estimated 400,000 people in a very precarious state, with limited access to food, clean water and medical care.Next Page: 'There is a humanitarian crisis' . . ."There is a humanitarian crisis," said William Robertson, the MSF head of mission, from Nairobi on Sept. 4."Our teams have treated people who were forced to flee their homes and who are now battling for their survival with next-to-no assistance. They are living in fear, the targets of armed groups or in the crossfire."So preoccupying is the evolving humanitarian crisis in Ogaden that the United States, a staunch ally of the Meles government and major contributor of foreign aid, has sent a senior diplomat to help resolve the issue.Jendayi Frazer, the assistant secretary of state for African affairs, called the situation in Ogaden a "humanitarian crisis" on a Sept. 8 visit to the region, putting Washington squarely at odds with a country it relies upon to bring a measure of stability to the restive Horn of Africa.Border Tension With EritreaWashington is also looking warily at the resumption of combustible rhetorical exchanges between Ethiopia and perennial rival Eritrea, seven years after they signed an agreement to end two years of bloody war. Noting recently that Ethiopian troops were just "meters" away from their Eritrean counterparts, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin breathed new life into the intractable stalemate, a tacit warning that Addis would continue to obstruct the implementation of a ruling that awarded the disputed town of Badme to Eritrea.Despite the presence of U.N. troops in the border region these last six years, the two sides have continued their dispute over Badme, a dry and dusty town that has limited strategic value beyond its symbolic worth to Addis and Asmara."At this time there is little separation of troops from the two neighbors. . . . The armies of the two countries are only 70 or 80 meters apart," Mesfin said during a Sept. 10 news conference.Mesfin also chided a U.N. border commission's work to reinforce the 2002 border decision ahead of its dissolution in November, criticism that was backed up on Tuesday by Meles himself, who reiterated Ethiopia's resistance to giving Badme to Eritrea.Analysts contend that Meles is maintaining his bluster on the border dispute in order to boost his sagging popularity and to obfuscate the ongoing domestic travails faced by his impoverished population. But there is real concern that the stalemate could edge into violence again, as neither Addis nor Asmara shows any signs of backing down.More than one in 10 Ethiopians is "food vulnerable," according to development agencies, which means they have no financial security that will allow them to regularly purchase what they need to feed their families."It is absolutely the case that Ethiopia faces some very serious political and security challenges, both at home domestically and in the Horn of Africa," said Tom Porteous, the London director of Human Rights Watch, in an exclusive interview with World Politics Review. "Violating human rights law and international humanitarian law is not an effective way of dealing with those challenges, aside from being wrong and causing a lot of civilian suffering."Lauren Gelfand is a freelance journalist and commentator with a special interest in African issues.

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On Ethiopian Millenium celebratiom

On Ethiopian Millennium Celebrations: Reflections of a Southerner By Channito Galitto September 12, 2007

Warning : this writing calls a spade a spade. By not mincing words and avoiding political correctness, it intends to evoke healthy reflections.
In a lackluster speech celebrating the dawning of the new millennium, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi categorized Ethiopia’s past into two --- the first one thousand years in which Ethiopia was a rising superpower and the second one in which it took a nose dive. In the same breath Meles Zenawi declared that, thanks to his “wise leadership”, the downward slide has been arrested and that in the new millennium Ethiopia’s lost glory will be restored.
Listening to the speech two implications come to mind. One is obvious and the other one is a bit subtle. Let me start with the obvious one first. Meles Zenawi wants to be remembered as the great leader who stood firmly at a crucial historical juncture to halt Ethiopia’s downward spiral and launch the country’s ascendance towards a glorious future. This desire to be seen as Mr. Nice Guy and a towering figure is also evident from his recent Time interview.
Ethiopian leaders are known for their lofty, albeit empty, statements of vision. Even more so as they approach their demise. Haile Selassie billed himself as the great modernizer. Mengistu craved to be the great revolutionary hero who single-handedly, not to mention out of scratch, built “the only proud socialist country in Africa”--- “be Afrika bichanyawaa genaanaa sooshalist hager”. Holding a big vision, even if only a slogan is one thing. All kinds of human and material resources are unwisely expended in the service of these grand goals.
To declare a vision is one thing, to see to it that it gets fulfilled is quite another. For example after a good start, Haile Selassie’s autocratic methods stood in the way of his stated goal of modernization. Even worse, by clinging to power while growing virtually senile, he paved the way for the emergence of a brutal dictatorship. At the outset Mengistu aroused the sympathy of the peasantry, especially in the South, mainly due to the land proclamation. His later actions however ended up enslaving the very peasants this proclamation helped liberate. It is his brutality coupled with the misguided policies of forced conscription, collectivization, villagization, and endless campaigns against many real and imagined enemies more than anything else that sealed his doom. Assuming that the rock bottom had been reached, many thought that whoever replaces the Dergue could not be any worse. It did not last long before this false hope begun to give way to utter pessimism. Today TPLF is even more discredited politically than the Dergue was in its decaying stage.
Let me now go to the second, and most important, not to say most worrying, implication. As today’s Egyptians appropriate the pyramids and the Pharoas who built them solely to themselves, for Meles the first millennium, based as it was in Axum, must have been a period of Tigrean dominance. In an often-quoted comment in a 1991 TV debate Meles asked: “What does the Axum monument mean for the Walaita?” He self assuredly answered “Nothing!” to his own rhetorical question. He would not say it openly today, at least not in this speech, but the inference is that the 2nd millennium in which Tigreans lost supremacy to the Amhara represents Ethiopia’s dark age. Since Tigreans are once again in full control, the 3 rd millennium is therefore a time of greatness.
In other words, as the center moved South, Ethiopia’s imminence faded and its civilization degenerated. Stopping the relapse required reversing this trend. This view has many proponents, including Hagai Erlich, the author of a book on Ras Alua, the guy from whom Meles sought advice upon assuming state power.
The Millennium Celebrations have helped to bring to the fore some deep social and political divisions in Ethiopia. The first divide is between the two groups claiming ownership of the official history of Axum --- the Amhara and Tigrean elites. Whereas the Amharas make up close to one-third of the population and Tigreans 7%, the latter wields a virtual and highly resented hegemony.
While the lavish celebration at home was attended predominantly by the new Tigrean elites, the ones in the Diaspora smelled, looked and felt more like an Amhara festival. Although both events were billed as “Ethiopian”, each side could vividly see the ethnic undertones in each other’s work. A comment by Tecola H. Hagos drives this point home when he wrote “What is now billed as the Ethiopian Millennium Celebration at Howard University and later at the DC Armory is not a celebration of Ethiopia at all, but an orgy of self congratulatory aggregation of individuals blinded by hate and moved by narrow ethnicism.” By the way the ethnicity Tecola is referring to be none other than Amhara. Despite the attempts by the likes of Nuguse Mengesha and Mesay Kebede to have the audience see both sides of the debate, diatribes by false prophets like Asefa Negash left many simply disillusioned.
The question as to whom--- the Amhara or Tigreans--- are the proper heir to the legacy of Axum legacy forms the first fissure. For purpose of brevity let us entertain elsewhere the debate as to whether the Kushites or the Semites are legitimate claimants to Axum. However, it is important to note here that the argument as to “who is the most authentic Ethiopian?” is still in contention.
The second divide is the divide between the Northerners (Abyssinians is a better term than Axumites) and the Southerners. The latter---which incidentally forms the majority of the population in Ethiopia--- includes the Oromo, Afar, Sidama, Ogadeni, Walayita, Gedeo, Kaficho, Yem, Janjaro, Anyuak, and the over 70 other ethnic groups that straddle the East, South, West and center of Ethiopia. Although politically a periphery, the South is for all practical purposes the real center and heart of Ethiopia.
Unlike the Northerners who are predominantly Orthodox Christian, the South is truly diverse religiously, culturally and linguistically. As such their views on some political and social issues could be in sharp contrast to their countrymen from the North. For example, a Muslim Ethiopian Somali, Affar, Adare, or Silte might follow the Islamic Calendar and find the designation of yesterday as a universal Ethiopian Millennium at best difficult and at worst an imposition. The same is true for an Oromo who adheres to the cosmic-based Gada Calendar. For many in the South the issue of which Millennium is authentic is not just an academic one but fundamental to whom they are as individuals and people.
However hard they looked, these groups could not see themselves in the history narrated by both elites about the 1st and 2 nd millenniums. To them no grand vision or celebration means a thing unless it entails an end to their continuing marginalization. The millennium discussion did not produce a better recognition of their bitter experiences. It did not address their current grievances. Nor did it lay out a more inclusive alternative narration to make them believe that their marginalization would end anytime soon.
The Millennium was a non-starter for many. For example the large numbers of Oromos, Ogadenis and Anyuaks who live in the Midwest and throughout the US did not hold any celebrations at all. Perhaps with the repression and atrocious crackdown underway at home weighing heavily on them they just could not see a reason to celebrate. It is doubtful if the mood at home is any different.
The audacity by some Amhara elites to narrate a reading of the past as if it is an all-inclusive and balanced history of the whole country is mind bugling. Likewise the Tigrean minority’s wish to forever dominate the country by blaming all evils of the past on the Amahara elites while giving deaf years and blind eyes to their repressive rule of fifteen long years is also puzzling.
This takes me to the third divide, which is the one within the South itself--- my own backyard. After experiencing one brutal military crackdown after another and waging a protracted liberation struggle, the Ogadenis are sure that the old Ethiopia that is being glorified by Amhara and Tigrean elites did and does not embrace them. The Oromo, demographically and culturally the most important constituency for the very survival and future of Ethiopia, also see themselves slighted by some of these openly biased Axum-centric accounts of history.
Politically other Southerners seek self-government but are afraid of going it alone. They sympathize with their Oromo, Ogadeni and Sidama brothers and sisters as far as ending marginalization and the desire to enjoy the rights of self-government are concerned. While agreeing with the adoption of self-determination as a constitutional right, they are mad as hell that this did not translate into genuine self-government and remained an unfulfilled promise. While concurring with those emphasizing the importance of respect for individual rights under a just system, they worry that the relentless assault on “collective rights” may lead to the country’s breakup rather than its unity.
Now enough with the “divides” and back to the commentary on Meles’ speech. There was a muted expectation that he would use this occasion to offer an olive branch to his opponents. Those who knew him maintained he is just like all other Ethiopian leaders of the past who come to power by the gun, cling to it until it is too late and then either die fighting or get killed, a fact abundantly made clear by his behavior in the aftermath of the May 2005 elections.
Despite their deep disappointment a few held on to the tin hope that he would not squander this last chance that comes once in a thousand years. However, true to his form, Meles failed to use the occasion to start a credible process of reconciliation. By so doing Meles lost a golden opportunity to leave the legacy that he so desperately longs to leave behind in his speech. On the contrary by alienating major political forces--- such as OLF, CUD and ONLF--- from the political process, he ensured that the fragile political experiment that he put in place may not last his tenure, let alone the next century or millennium.
The question now is who else would come up with a more uplifting, all-inclusive and unifying message. Obviously and naturally this issue is bigger than any single organization, be it OLF or CUD. Frankly speaking we are fed up with the zero-sum game of either this or that. AFD’s proposal of a win-win formula goes a long way to fill the vacuum. However to become a vehicle for transformation AFD needs to put its acts together as a matter of priority.
Granted the road ahead is an uphill one. Luckily there are things we could do to make this journey less treacherous. The first step is for the elites of all stripes to stop relying on narrow readings of history as a foundation of political discourse. Ethiopian politics needs to be forever divorced from this poisoned chalice of biased history and geared towards creatively addressing current and future challenges. The more we look back, the more we are stuck in the past.
The second step is to end the hypocrisy and arrogance, both implied and explicit, about the role and contribution of the marginalized peoples, who need and deserve to be, accorded more stake in Ethiopia for the latter to progress. This is important for three reasons. One, since democracy is the wave of the future and it means majority rule--- with equality before the law for everyone and equality of all votes--- talking as if these people do not exist or count is simply unacceptable, not to mention untenable. Two, the values of tolerance and accommodation so vital for democracy to blossom are amply found among these peoples. Three, these communities field some formidable organizations and highly mobilized constituencies that can no longer be ignored. To disregard them and their legitimate grievances is to put Ethiopia’s future in great peril.
The writer can be reached at: ChannitoG@yahoo.com

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Jendayi Frazer :Unofficial TPLF Spokeswoman or a Top US Official?

Sept 09m 2007At a time when multiple sources including human rights and Non-Governmental Organizations, NGOs, working in Ogaden have detailed not only the type of atrocities but also the extent of the war crimes committed against the Ogaden citizenry by the TPLF army and its’ associated militias; At a moment when no international journalist is allowed to set foot in Ogaden, it is quiet disappointing, to say the least, to hear the recent outburst from Jendayi Frazer who is a host to the same Ethiopian junta that has not only ordered but carried out the current war crimes reported in Ogaden.When Frazer terms the genocide that has and is taking place in Ogaden as merely allegations that are 'unsubstantiated', which happens to be the same terms used by Zenawi in the recent Time’s interview, we are left to wonder whether Frazer is a top US diplomat for African affairs or an unofficial spokeswoman for the Tigrian People’s Liberation Front, TPLF.What evidence, other than the propaganda fed to her by the TPLF misinformation minions, does Frazer have that can make all the horror stories provided the internationally renowned human rights organizations, Ogaden survivors of the current Ogaden war crimes, and the NGOs who have an innate knowledge of the Ogaden landscape and people, as mere ‘unsubstantiated’ allegations?We, the Ogaden Editorial Board, EOB, believe that Frazer has accepted in face value, the misinformation provided by the TPLF junta headed by Zenawi. EOB also believes that merely accepting TPLF propaganda in face value harms not only the image of the United States of America as a champion of democracy but also US security interests in the horn. Instead of acting as an unofficial TPLF spokeswoman, EOB hopes that Frazer will closely scrutinize the actions of the TPLF junta in Addis Ababa. The US State department should use its clout in order to put the brakes on the war crimes that are taking place in Ogaden.editorial@ogaden.comOgaden Online EditorialSept 09, 2007

U.S. gives stark warning to Eritrea

By Elizabeth Blunt September 10, 2007

The US has issued Eritrea with its strongest warning yet over its alleged support for terrorism.
A senior US official said the presence of an exiled Somali Islamist leader in Asmara this week was further evidence Eritrea gave sanctuary to terrorists.
The gathering of further intelligence could lead to Eritrea being named as a state sponsor of terrorism - followed by sanctions, the official said.
The Eritrean government has accused the US of deliberate distortion.
A full scale war of words is now going on between Eritrea and the United States.
The US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, said the presence of Hassan Dahir Uways at a meeting in Asmara was further evidence that Eritrea provided sanctuary for terrorists.
Rogue state
The Eritrean ministry of information website has just published a 35-point condemnation of US foreign policy accusing Jendayi Frazer herself of deliberate distortion.
Speaking at the end of a visit to neighbouring Ethiopia, Miss Frazer said that Eritrea's nasty words about the US were not a significant concern.
What had got her government's attention was Eritrea's actions to destabilise other countries in the Horn of Africa and, in particular, evidence that they were harbouring terrorists.
Miss Frazer said that this was about more than just simply considering Eritrea as a rogue state in the region.
It was quite specifically Eritrea's relationship with recognised terrorists which could lead to its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism.
This, in turn, she said would bring a change in the nature of its relationship with the US and in the ability of the US and other countries to provide assistance to Eritrea's government.

Somali opposition groups condemn AMISOM troops

Somali opposition groups condemn AMISOM troops

Somali Governor escapes a grenade bomb attack
The government opposing groups in Asmara condemned the African union for not being neutral. 10,Sept.07

Ethiopia Detains Oromo Opposition Members
Sep 7, '07 2:01 PMfor everyone
By Peter Heinlein
Heinlein report (mp3) - Download 675k Listen to Heinlein report (mp3)
The Ethiopian government has confirmed the detention of scores of citizens suspected of involvement in a regional insurgent movement. From the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, VOA's Peter Heinlein reports opposition lawmakers and human rights activists are calling the detentions illegal.
A senior Ethiopian government official confirmed to VOA that an unspecified number of persons described as 'operatives of the Oromo Liberation Front' have been detained by authorities in recent weeks.
Bereket Simon, a top adviser to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, said "the government has an obligation to put these people under control."
The official's comments were in response to charges by a prominent Member of Parliament from the Oromia region that at least 107 people, and probably many more, are being held illegally by authorities without charge.
Bulcha Demeksa, a lawmaker from the opposition Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement party, said some of the detainees have been held for weeks.
The Oromo people are Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, about a third of the population, and the Oromia region has been a hotbed of opposition to the government in Addis Ababa. But in a VOA interview, lawmaker Bulcha Demeksa rejected suggestions that those detained were terrorists or were involved in a plot to overthrow the government.
"These are people who live in the countryside, miserably poor people, they eat once a day, they have nothing, they have no guns, they are just some in little urban areas. They are traders," said Bulcha. "Some of them are street people. What can they do? The government knows that Ethiopians are not armed. Ethiopians are not armed, so these cannot be feared. Fear I do not believe at all. There is nothing to fear."
Bulcha says the detentions are an attempt by the government to intimidate potential political opponents in advance of next January's local elections.
"The purpose in my opinion of these mass arrests is to scare people because local election is coming up in January," said Bulcha. "The government is scaring people, saying, 'If you do not support the government, you will go to jail. If you do not vote for the regional government, nobody else can help you, we will put you in jail.' Particulary, people who are potential representatives are being arrested."
The government spokesman, Bereket Simon, rejected Bulcha's charges. He told VOA, "the rights of the citizens are being respected." He described the accusations as "far-fetched stories" designed to grab headlines at a time when domestic and international attention is focusing on Ethiopia's grand celebration of the millennium.
Ethiopia follows the Julian calendar, which is seven years and eight months behind the more commonly observed Gregorian calendar. The Horn of Africa nation will celebrate the arrival of the third millennium on September 12.
VOA News